Sit, Google, Sit

5 May 2006

Objections in China over the name Google has chosen for itself in Mandarin. An online petition is circulating asking Google drop the name Guge. The name Guge is represented by the Chinese ideograms for harvest and song, or it can mean valley song or grain song. Chinese users of the search engine believe it has rural or traditional connotations, the opposite image the high-tech giant should be trying to cultivate.

A survey of Chinese internet users last year by the China Internet Network Information Company found that over half of the respondents failed to spell Google correctly. The search engine company is trying to counter this by pairing its English name with the Chinese name.

Some have suggested that Google be known as gougou, or dog dog. A suggestion that Google flatly rejects. Others suggest the English-Chinese blend Good gou, or good dog, in acknowledgement of Google’s behavior toward the Chinese government.

(Source: Straits Times, 22 & 30 April 2006)

Immigrants & The English Language

5 May 2006

This past Monday was A Day Without An Immigrant, a one-day strike by immigrant workers, both legal and illegal, to demonstrate the economic importance of immigrant labor in the United States and to protest a bill passed by the House of Representatives that would make illegal immigration a felony.

This past week also saw a stir over a Spanish-language version of the national anthem, with many believing it is unpatriotic to sing the song in any language other than English.

As this newsletter is about language, this week we look at a couple of myths and misconceptions about immigrants and the English language.

Myth: Immigrants Don’t Want To Learn English

"I think people who want to be a citizen of this country ought to learn English."
– George W. Bush, 28 April 2006

A common complaint is that immigrants today, unlike those of past generations, make little effort to learn English–this is simply not true. Most who come to this country as children will learn to speak English fluently and those who come as adults will fail, but not through lack of will to do so.

79% of first-generation Mexican immigrants who come to the U.S. as children will learn to speak English well. The percentage of Chinese immigrant children who will do so is 88%. The difference in the numbers is that Mexicans are much more likely to live in Spanish-speaking communities and, therefore, have somewhat less opportunity to encounter English. But even so, the vast majority of Mexican children who come to the U.S. will learn to speak English. (Source)

The number of adult immigrants who learn to speak English well is much lower, but then language acquisition in general sharply declines with age. Immigrants who come to the U.S. before the age of eight will perform as well as native-born Americans on English language tests. Those who immigrate between the ages of eight and fifteen will score progressively worse the older they were at the time they came to the United States. And those that immigrate when even older will score the worst of all, but the results among adult immigrants do not correlate with age. In other words, sometime in the teens humans start losing the ability to learn new languages. It’s not impossible to learn new languages as adults, but most people find it very hard to do so. (Source: Newport, E. Maturational constraints on language learning. Cognitive Science, 14, 1990)

Adult immigrants don’t fail to learn English because they don’t want to. They fail because they adults in general find it very hard to learn new languages.

Myth: The large numbers of Hispanic immigrants will create a permanent split in this country between Spanish and English speakers.

The fear is that Spanish-speaking families will create and maintain a permanent division in this country by language–this is not true.

By the second generation (those born in the U.S.), nearly all speak English. Most children of immigrants will speak the immigrant language at home, but will also be fluent in English. This is the bilingual generation–in all ethnic groups, English fluency is nearly universal in the second generation.

By the third generation, over 70% will speak English and no other language. In other words, by the time you get to the grandchildren of immigrants, most will no longer speak the immigrant language at all.

This holds for almost all immigrant groups being studied, including Hispanics in general and Mexicans, the largest immigrant group, in particular. The grandchildren of non-Mexican Hispanics have a greater tendency to learn Spanish as well as English, but more than 60% will know only English. The only third generation ethnic group that has less than 60% of English-only speakers are Dominicans, who are 44% bilingual in the third generation.

And these numbers are not changing significantly with the rise in the numbers of Hispanic immigrants in the 1990s. In the 1990 census, 64% of third-generation Mexican-Americans spoke only English. By 2000, this had risen to 71%. (Source)

So we will not see a permanent division in this country by language. The immigrant generation will speak a language other than English. Their children will be bilingual. And their grandchildren will speak English only. This is the way it has always been. It’s the way it is now. And we have every reason to suspect that it will be the way of the future as well. The primacy of the English language in the United States is secure.

Antedating: General For Attorney General

14 April 2006

Back in the issue of 31 March, I stated that the practice of addressing the US attorney general as general dated to the Clinton administration. Hugh Rawson has written me with an antedating of the term to the Nixon administration and Attorney General John Mitchell. In his book Blind Ambition, John Dean quotes G. Gordon Liddy as saying to Mitchell on 27 January 1972, "Now, General, this operation will be equipped with its own operational arm."

Good Words for Good Friday

14 April 2006

This Good Friday we take a look at some of the words associated with Easter and Lent. There are a lot of good, old words in the names of various holidays of this season that survive as relics from the language of yore.

The period preceding Easter on the church calendar is Lent. It’s a period of fasting and penitence that encompasses the 40 weekdays from Ash Wednesday to Easter. Lent, or as it was known earlier, Lenten, is from the Old English lencten, which was the name of the season we now call spring. Lencten dates to around 1000 with the religious sense appearing around 1290. Today, only the religious sense survives.

In the days immediately preceding Lent, we celebrate Carnival, a period of wild partying before the deprivations of Lent are imposed. The word dates to 1549 and is from the Italian carnevale, and ultimately from the Latin carnem levare, or the putting away of meat, a reference to the abstention from meat during the subsequent weeks. By 1598, the term had extended to include any period of feasting or revelry. The sense of a fair or circus is American and quite recent, dating to only 1931.

The last day of Carnival is Mardi Gras, which is from the French and literally means fatty or greasy Tuesday, a reference to meat eaten on this day. Its use in English dates to 1699. Its calque is Fat Tuesday.

Another, more pious, name for the day is Shrove Tuesday. This comes from shrive, meaning to impose penance and often extended to include confession and absolution. Shrove is from the Old English scrífan and dates to before 776

Following the riotous celebrations of Mardi Gras, we have Ash Wednesday, a term that dates to 1297. The name comes from the Roman Catholic custom of anointing the heads of penitents with ashes on this day. Ash is from the Old English asce, a word that has cognates in many Germanic languages.

At the other end of Lent we have Holy Week, which begins with Palm Sunday, which commemorates Christ’s triumphal entry into Jerusalem. On that day crowds laid a path of palms at his feet. The name Palm Sunday also extends back to Old English, palmsunnandæg. In addition to laying palm branches at his feet, the crowds also shouted hosanna, a term from Hebrew that appears in Hebrew liturgy and is used as an appeal for deliverance or salvation. So, by shouting hosanna, the crowds were recognizing Christ as the Messiah.

The Thursday of Holy Week is known as Maundy Thursday, and on this day Christ’s Last Supper and betrayal in the Garden of Gethsemane are commemorated. Maundy, an odd word to the modern ear, dates to 1325 and is from the Anglo-Norman mandet, and ultimately from the Latin mandatum or mandate. This is shortened from mandatum novum or new commandment. The Maundy ceremony is a ritual of washing the feet of the poor by royals or clergy and the attendant distribution of alms. The ritual commemorates Christ’s washing of the disciples’ feet prior to the Last Supper.

The next day is Good Friday, which has been called that since around 1290. Since this day is the commemoration of Christ’s crucifixion, some ask why it is called good. The good in the name is from a specific usage of that word to denote holy in the names of dates. Good Friday is the only day the Roman Catholic church does not celebrate Mass, although the Eucharist can be administered if it was blessed the day before.

Finally, we come to Easter, the celebration of Christ’s resurrection. The word is from the Old English éastre and dates to around 890. Ironically for this most holy of Christian holidays, the name comes from Eostre, a pagan goddess of the dawn, whose festival fell on the vernal equinox.

Book Review: New Partridge Dictionary of Slang & Unconventional English

7 April 2006

Two weeks ago I received my copy of The New Partridge Dictionary of Slang and Unconventional English, edited by Tom Dalzell and Terry Victor, from Amazon.com. This is an update of the work started by lexicographer Eric Partridge (1894-1979). First published in 1937, his slang dictionary was revised six times during his life and once by Paul Beale after his death. This new work is essentially a new reference rather than just a revision and updating of the earlier work. One can still see the influence of the Partridge originals in some of the entries, but it is quite different in research, scope, and presentation.

Partridge had his idiosyncrasies and quirks. Some of his research was sloppy. But his dictionary and other works are still valuable references. This was because Partridge filled a void by being the only available, comprehensive review of slang. In other words, he was often the only game in town. The Oxford English Dictionary long ignored slang. This has been corrected in more recent editions and additions, but updating the vast OED takes so long that this early prejudice against slang lives on in the absence of many needed entries. Other general dictionaries simply didn’t have the space to address their slang entries with the thoroughness that Partridge did and few slang researchers were willing to attempt to duplicate the monumental effort that Partridge put into his work. More recently, others have taken up the task and Partridge’s exclusive hold on the domain of slang has diminished somewhat. But Partridge still often fills a void. For example, Jonathan Lighter’s Historical Dictionary of American Slang is a wonderful resource for American slang beginning A through O, but if you want to look up a word from elsewhere in the world or from the back end of the alphabet you are out of luck, at least until that dictionary is completed. This leaves us with Partridge, for all its faults.

Dalzell and Victor superbly sum up these faults with Partridge’s original in their preface to the new dictionary:

His protocol for alphabetizing was quirky. His dating was often problematic. His etymologies at times strayed from the plausible to the fanciful. His classification by register (slang, cant, jocular, vulgar, coarse, high, low, etc.) was intensely subjective and not particularly useful. Furthermore, his early decision to exclude American slang created increasingly difficult problems for him as the years passed and the influence of American slang grew. Lastly, Partridge grew to lose the ability to relate to the vocabulary he was recording. In 1937, Partridge was a man of his time: but the same could no longer be said in 1960.

Dalzell and Victor seem to have avoided all these problems and this new edition of Partridge is all the better for it:

  • Their dating is precise, based on actual citations, not on estimation as Partridge was wont to do.

  • Their etymologies, when given, are solid or clearly labeled when not.

  • There is no classification by register and few usage notes.

  • They have widened the scope of the work to include slang from all over the English-speaking world.

  • They show no evidence of being out of touch with current slang.

It’s been a while since I’ve bought a new language reference book and I was excited when this one arrived. My eagerness wore off, though, as I perused it. It’s not that it is a poor reference–I’m sure I will use it often–but there are a few problems with the work that fall into two categories.

The first category are things I, personally, don’t like about the work. These aren’t deficiencies and I understand why Dalzell and Victor made these editorial choices. It’s just that they make the work less valuable to me. One is that this is not a historical dictionary. The editors make no attempt to trace the development and usage of a term over time. Etymologies, other than a date of first known use, are not usually given and the usage citations are illustrative rather than comprehensive. Also, only terms used 1945-present are included. Why they limited the scope of the dictionary in this way is perfectly understandable. I just wish they did not have to. Others with different purposes will not find these issues a problem.

The second category, non-systemic problems in individual entries, is more vexing. Some individual entries display deficiencies that raise doubts about the thoroughness of the editors.

I noticed one as soon as I opened the book. It’s my habit to first look up the whole nine yards anytime I encounter a new slang reference. I can get a good feel for a work by the way they handle this phrase. But stunningly, the phrase is not included, not under whole, not under nine, not under yards–and knowing Partridge’s penchant for odd alphabetization, I even looked under the. The phrase is simply not in the dictionary. It’s not that the editors have deliberately chosen to exclude catchphrases; there are plenty of others in the dictionary. How any slang reference that includes American terms from 1945 onwards could omit the whole nine yards is mind boggling.

As I have recently been updating the Letter B on wordorigins.org, I looked up most of the B words on The Big List in the new dictionary. The phrase Bob’s your uncle is also missing. I know the phrase is still current; I’ve heard it in the wild myself. Partridge’s Dictionary of Catchphrases has a fairly lengthy entry on it, so one would think it would be considered for inclusion here, but evidently not.

Another B deficiency is in the entry for black box, meaning a piece of avionics hardware. The dictionary marks it as an American usage dating to 1945, although the OED contains 1945 citations from both the RAF and the US Air Force. So this one is clearly mislabeled.

While Dalzell and Victor have avoided guesswork in etymologies, they state that the phrase in like Flynn was "originally a reference to the legendary sexual exploits of actor Errol Flynn" and give a date of 1945, the date of the earliest citation in the HDAS. The phrase has been antedated to 1940 by Barry Popik and available in the American Dialect Society e-mail archive. Missing an antedating of a few years would normally not be a critical error, but in this case these antedatings are key to understanding the etymology. The clearly disprove that the phrase got its start with the actor’s acquittal for statutory rape, which is often given as the original reference–although to be fair not by Dalzell and Victor. More importantly, the antedates indicate that the Flynn in the phrase is probably just nonsense that rhymes, in like Flynn and out like Stout and not a reference to the actor or anyone in particular.

And I have found one example of political subjectivity in an entry that compromises the scholarly objectivity of the work. The entry for chickenhawk, meaning a person who advocates for a war but refuses military service, includes the following extraneous political commentary, "virtually every member of the US government that supported the 2003 invasion of Iraq avoided active military service in Vietnam during their youth." There is no other commentary on the word and given that usage citations go back to the 1980s, this is not intended as etymological commentary. Worse still, two of the five citations are anti-Republican political commentary on the 2003 war that, amazingly enough for "usage" citations, do not include the term chickenhawk. One uses the constituent elements, but not the term itself, in a very different context. ("What do you get when you cross a chicken and a hawk? A Quayle.") The second does not even use elements of the word at all, but is simply a list of Republican politicians and pundits who did not serve in the military. This last contorts the definition of "usage citation" out of all recognition. (So you understand my objection, I am in complete sympathy with the political viewpoint expressed in the entry. I just think it has no place in a linguistic reference.)

To be fair, any work of this magnitude will have errors and omissions and editors and editorial assistants sometimes get carried away and include inappropriate opinions. The problem is the rapidity with which I turned up these. I had barely cracked the book open when I started discovering them. It makes me wonder if by happenstance I stumbled on the few deficiencies in the work shortly after first consulting it, or if they are representative of a larger number of ones yet to be discovered.

On the whole, The New Partridge Dictionary of Slang looks to be a fairly solid reference. But I can’t help having the nagging suspicion that this, like the earlier editions of Partridge, is one that I will consult because there is no other.

Hardcover, 2400 pages (2 vols.), Routledge, December 2005, $175.00